Barrister Abdur/Abdul Rasul

Barrister Abdul Rasul Or Barrister Abdur Rasul was the First Indian Barrister who received the B.C.L (Bachelor of Civil Law) degree in the Indian Subcontinent.[1] He was a nationalist leader and a prominent lawyer. "Bangabasi" newspaper commented on his success after receiving that coveted degree,


"We were glad to learn that Moulvi Abdul Rasul, son of late Moulvi Ghulam Rasul Saheb, the well-known Zemindar of Guniauk in Tippera, after a stay of 8 years in England had passed the B.A. Examination of Oxford University with honours. This time he has brought glory to the Indian Society by passing the M.A.; Bar-at-Law and B.C.L. Examinations of the said University with great honours. It is needless here to add that no Indian has yet passed the B.C.L. Examination. It is the highest Examination in Law." [2]

Birth:

He was born on 10th April 1874 in an influential and prominent Zamindar Or Landlord Family Of Guniauk, a village in Brahmanbaria district in Bangladesh, formerly known as Guniauk, Tippera, India. [1] The birth name of Barrister Abdul Rasul was Abdur Rasul, and the nickname was Kachon Mia. [1] His father was Moulvi Ghulam Rasul who was also a zamindar. [1] His mother name was Longjan Bibi who was the daughter of Panni family from Kishoreganj district, Dhaka (Former Greater Mymensingh). [1] 


Figure: Barrister Abdul Rasul [1]

Death of Parents:   

He lost his father at an early age. After the death of his father, his mother used to manage the zamindari very prudently. His mother died in the year of 1914 at her place (Guniauk Zamindar Bari/Palace). [1] 

Figure: The seal of Longjan Bibi/Beebee which was used for zamindari related work after the death of Moulvi Ghulam Rasul [1]

Siblings:

He had two brothers and two sisters. Their names were Khadem Rasul, Molazem Rasul, Chunnu Bibi, and Muson Bibi. [1] 

Education:

Abdur Rasul started studying with his tutor Mahesh Chowdhury at his own home in Guniauk, Tippera. [1] In 1888, he passed the Entrance Examination from Dhaka Government Collegiate School. [1] That year he went to Britain for higher studies. He started his education in Liverpool for some time. Then he got admitted himself into the Department of General Literature and Science of Kings College in 1891 in London, England. [1] He passed his Matriculation Exam on 9 Feb 1892 from St John's College in England.[1]  He got admitted himself at The Honourable Society of The Middle Temple in England to study Bar.at.Law on 11 Nov 1892. [1] He obtained B.A degree on 5 March in 1896 and M.A degree 16 June in 1898 from St John's College in England.[1]  Abdul Rasul obtained Bar.at.Law degree with honour on 19 Apr 1898 from The Honourable Society of The Middle Temple, London, England.[1]  He received B.C.L ( Bachelor of Civil Law) degree on 9 July, 1898 and became the first Indian who obtained this degree with honour.[1]  Because of his merit, his professors offered him the position of a professor at Oxford University but he refused it. [1] 

Work and Contribution

Barrister Abdul Rasul was enlisted as a Barrister in the "England and Wales" and "Calcutta High Court before returning to the country on 22 June 1985. [3] Barrister Abdul Rasul was enlisted as a lawyer in the “Law Lists of England and Wales from 1899 to 1921.” [4] As a Barrister, he started his law practice at the Calcutta High Court on 5th December, 1899 after returning from England. [5] Gradually, he became a famous Barrister in India. According to Lieutenant Governor Ronaldshaw “Following upon Successful career at Oxford University he became a prominent member of the Bar where his work for nearly 20 years marked him out as a man of character and ability.”

Barrister Abdul Rasul was appointed as the Main examiner of Entrance examination of the department of English Language and Literature at Calcutta University (1899-1902). [6] At that time he was the Examiner of B.L degree. [6] Upon the request of Calcutta University, he gave his speech regarding world-famous International Law for some days. Calcutta University never showed this type of honour to any Muslim laureate like this before. Barrister Abdul Rasul was appointed as an honorary lecturer of the Department of Law at Calcutta University in 1905 by Ashutosh Mukherjee, the vice-chancellor of Calcutta University. But the governor-general annulled that appointment because of his activities against the partition of Bengal.[7]

Barrister Abdur Rasul was a member of the Indian National Congress. He strongly opposed it when the partition of Bengal was decided in 1905. [1]  Initially, his political life began during the partition of Bengal. He was a supporter of Hindu Muslim unity.[1] On 25 September 1905, Abdul Rasul called for Hindu-Muslim unity at a public meeting of 10,000 people in the market of Raja Bazar in Calcutta by saying, “We both Hindus and Mahomedans here belong to the same mother-country-Bengal.” [8]

He was one of the main founders of the National Council of Education, Bengal (Jadavpur University). [9]  Barrister Abdul Rasul was one of the prominent members among the 13 members of the governing body of The National Council of Education Council Education, Bengal which was effective on 23rd May 1906. [10]  Barrister Abdul Rasul worked as a secretary of the executive committee of The National Council of Education, Bengal (Present-Jadavpur University) from 1913 to 1916. [9]

He presided over the Bengal Congress Conference held at Barisal in 1906. In this conference, He gave a long and strong speech. [11]

Abdul Rasul published the weekly newspaper ‘The Mussalman’ from Boubazar Street, Calcutta on 21 December 1906 in collaboration with Abdul Halim Ghaznavi, Abul Kashem and Mujibur Rahman Khan. [12]

Barrister Abdul Rasul was one of the prominent leaders of the Swadeshi movement. He was described in another early police report “As the leading spirit of the small Muhammadan party which has joined the agitation, hailed from Comilla.”  [9] Sumit Sarkar described the important role of Barrister Abdul Rasul and Abdul Halim Ghuznavi against the partition of Bengal in his writing like this, “ Ghuznavi and Rasul were extremely prominent Swadeshi agitators from the early days of the boycott movement. “The Bengalee” named them as the two leading Swadeshi Muslims on 1 October 1905.” [9]

Abdul Rasul joined the Bengal Provincial Muslim League in 1909. [13] He was the treasurer of The Bengal Provincial Muslim League for a long time. In 1916, He presided over the annual session of the Bengal Presidency Muslim League at Burdwan in India. [1] In 1917, Abdul Rasul was elected the secretary of the Bengal Presidency Muslim League. [13] He was elected as a Member of the Bengal Legislative Council of Muhammadan-Chittagong division (1916-1920) unanimously. [14]

He was the first Bengali Muslim who presided over the Bengal Provincial Conference at Chittagong on 6th and 7th April in the year of 1910. [1]

He presided over the session of  “Twenty Four Parganas Muslim League” at Twenty Four Parganas in 1914. [1]

He was the President of ‘Calcutta Indian Association’ (1916-1917) [1]

Social Contribution and Philanthropy

On October 22, 1905, Chief Secretary R. W.  Carlyle issued a circular known as Carlyle circulation. In response to this, on 24 October 1905, Barrister Abdul Rasul urged to the nation to set up a National University at a meeting organized by the Field and Academy Club of Calcutta. He was one of the members of the 96-members of National Education Council. According to some, he was also the founder of that council. During the establishment of National Council of Education, Bengal, he donated financial assistance of 600 rupees. [1]

Abdul Rasul started publishing the weekly English newspaper ‘‘The Mussalman’’ from Boubazar Street, Calcutta on 21 December 1906 in collaboration with Abdul Halim Ghaznavi, Abul Kashem and Mujibur Rahman Khan. [12] But after publishing the 3 editions Abul Kashem left the newspaper. Then Barrister Abdul Rasul requested to Moulvi Mujibur Rahman to take the responsibility of the paper and he took that responsibility. The whole expenditure of the newspaper was managed by Barrister Abdul Rasul and Abdul Halim Ghaznavi. After 6-7 months later, Abdul Halim Ghaznavi left the paper. But Barrister Abdul Rasul could not leave. Until his death, he was bearing the whole expenditure of publishing the newspaper “The Mussalman” solely. This newspaper was working diligently for the welfare of Muslim for a long tenure of 32 years in the undivided Bengal.

The first meeting to establish ‘Begum Rokeya Shakhawat Memorial School’ was held at Abdul Rasul’s own place in Calcutta. With his continuous dedication, the school was established. [15]

The present principal’s office of higher secondary, library and conference hall of the principal of Comilla Victoria College were established by some of the noteworthy people’s financial support among them Barrister Rasul was one. [16]

With the help of Barrister Abdul Rasul and Ashwini Kumar, some zamindars established ‘Co-operative Navigation Limited’ in 1908. [17]

Apart from the practice of widow remarriages and the prevention polygamy from Muslims, Barrister Abdul Rasul played an active role in the other social welfare activities in India. [18]

 

Lifestyle:

Barrister Abdul Rasul maintained a quite sophisticated life. He was multilingual. He could speak fluently in English, Persian, French, German, Urdu, Hindi & Bengali.[1]  But he used to speak in English. [1] 

Marriage:

He was married to Kitty Georgiana Jackson.[1]  After the marriage, Kitty Georgiana Jackson changed her name and became Kate Rasul. Their marriage ceremony was done on 4th September, 1897 at Marylebone Town Hall, Maryle bone Road, London, England. Kate's father name was William Thomas Jackson and mother name was Agnes Farnworth. Kate's father William Thomas Jackson was an architect based on Preston, Lancashire, London, England. [1] 

Child:

Barrister Abdul Rasul and Kate Rasul had only one daughter. Her name was Nazma Rasul. She was born in the year of 1899. In 1917, she was a brilliant undergraduate student at Calcutta University. [1] In 1917, Nazma Rasul got married to Sir Honourable Abdul Latif, third son of Mr. Sobhan C Latif.  Mr. Sobhan C Latif was a famous aristocrat businessman based on Bombay, India. [1] After marriage, Nazma Rasul changed her surname and became Nazma Latif. Nazma Latif had one son and one daughter. [1] They lived Bombay and Karachi for the purpose of the family shipping business. [1] 


Figure: Ms Nazma Rasul [1]

Death:

He died on 31st July 1917 at the early age of 43 at his own place in 14 Royd Street, Kolkata, India. He was buried in Manicktala, Bagmari, Kolkata, West Bengal, India. [1] 


His Noteworthy Speech (1)

April 14, 1906 at Barisal at Bengal Provincial Congress Conference

Fellow Delegates,

I thank you most heartily for the great, the very great honour which you have conferred upon me by electing me to preside over your deliberations this year. I appreciate the honour all the more as I am the First Bengal Mahomedan in whom such great confidence has been placed and upon whom such high distinction has been conferred by the people of United Bengal. No honour can be greater, no distinction higher that which comes spontaneously from the heart of a great people. I feel the proudest moment of my life has come, when I find myself seated here as the President of our National Assembly.

Since this great Assembly met last year at Mymensingh, one year has passed. But what a year- annus mirabilis- it has been for us, the people of Bengal. It has been a year in which we have seen how an alien bureaucracy has loaded it over patriotism, how it has trampled upon the cherished rights and privileges of the people. It has been a year in which we have seen how deeply sensible a nation may become of the calamities that may be brought upon it by foreign domination and what a nation can do when it is united.

Both before and after the last conference, the whole nation in trembling voice was asking the question, ‘‘Are we really going to be divided?’’ We know in what rude and spiteful manner that question has been answered by Lord Curzon. We know he was determined to divide us, but we never dreamt of the manner in which he has to do it. The quarrel over the Indian Army-question had been going on for some time. Lord Curzon in his usual supercilious manner looked upon Mr. Brodrick as one of the members of the ministry of incompetents and considered the fight between Mr. Brodrick and himself as that between a pigmy and a giant, and that the former would be bound to give in. He thought, he had simply to threaten resignation, then all the incompetents at home would go down on their knees before him, the only clever and intelligent member and the only hope of the Conservative party, and beg of him not to leave the helm of the Indian Empire which without him would go wrong and that they would, in short, submit to anything he dictated to them. But Lord Curzon was after all not infallible. He was sadly mistaken. He found that in his estimate of self, he was wrong. His resignation was accepted with pleasure. To his consternation and mortification, the incompetents did not go down on their knees, but on the contrary, were defiant and had already got his successor ready. After such a great humiliation, the general opinion, both Indian and European, was that Lord Curzon would not think of carrying his partition-scheme into effect, and his successor would be more considerate and not likely to override the wishes of the people. His resignation under the peculiar circumstances of the case was tantamount to a dismissal. Oh, what a fall! He was vanquished, but his doom reserved him to more wrath. What though the viceroyalty was lost! All was not lost! The unconquerable will, the study of revenge, immortal hate for the Bengalees was not lost. Knowing what a half-hearted support Mr. Brodrick had given to his partition-scheme, Lord Curzon was afraid that his successor might never carry it through, so he must do it himself, before leaving India. Stirred up with envy and revenge he was racking his brain as to how soon he could bring about the ruin of the Bengali people. It did not take him long. The date of partition was soon announced, he went through the farce of passing a bill through the supreme council at Simla in the absence of the Indian members and partition was proclaimed on the 16th, 1905, in spite of and in the teeth of the opposition of the whole nation. He knew that unless he did this great haste, his long-cherished object of breaking up the unity of would be lost forever. Think of the audacity of the man, who did not hesitate to defy the authority of the parliament to whom the Secretary of State had given the solemn pledge that nothing would be done till all the papers regarding the partition-scheme were laid on the table of the House. The country was ringing with shouts of protests from one end to the other when on being asked by the Secretary of State to postpone the partition till parliament had an opportunity of considering the matter, he informed the secretary that the so-called agitation was subsiding. If a man in the position of a Viceroy representing the king-emperor could be guilty of such misrepresentation of the true state of things, he was capable of doing anything. This is another instance of how some Englishmen in spite of their education, birth, and position in life, after crossing the English Channel, lose their sense of justice and propriety and conscience in their dealings with other races whom they consider inferior to them.

What made Lord Curzon so bitter against the people of Bengal?

Being pedantic and a great admirer of his own abilities, he thought, he was perfect and like a constitutional monarch never did wrong. Coming out as the Viceroy of India, he expected admiration from all quarters as a great man of letters and a great statesman, but adverse criticism he never expected. He knew Very little about Indian character. He knew nothing about Bengal and its people beyond what he had read about them in Macaulay’s essays or scurrilous report of the special correspondents of some rabid journals. But he soon discovered that in education and intelligence, at any rate, the despised Bengalees were quite equal, if not superior to the people of his own race. That a subject race should be in any way equal to the ruling race upset with his equilibrium. It was in Bengal that his unpopular measures were most severely criticized. It was here he discovered that the press was most powerful and that Calcutta was politically nearly as strong as London. He knew that Bengal said today, the rest of India would say tomorrow. Lord Curzon got alarmed at a rapidity with which the people of Bengal were progressing politically. It dawned upon him that unless the Bengalees were curbed unless their alarmingly increasing political power was crushed unless the growing unity between the Hindus and Mahomedans was nipped in the bud, the British Bureaucratic rule in India would be at an end. So he was determined, come what may, to cleave Bengal in twain. Well, after all, let us congratulate ourselves that Lord Curzon considered that in Bengal he found a foeman worthy of his steel.

It was not for administrative purposes nor was it for the purposes of relieving the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal that Bengal has been divided into two provinces, but it was simply to wreak Lord Curzon’s vengeance on the too harmless and law-abiding people of Bengal that they have been separated from their kith and kin and placed under two different Governments whose chief object will be to aim death-blow at the solidarity and homogeneity of the entire Bengali nation by introducing different laws through their different legislatures. This is not our opinion alone, but it is shared by many fair-minded Anglo Indians, both official and no official. If the partition was at all necessary for administrative purposes which we by no means admit, there were several alternative schemes which would have at once relieved the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal and left the Bengali-speaking people in fact.

The nation has unanimously asked to be governed by a Governor and Council. The advantage of such a Government is that we should get an experienced and impartial statesman to be our Governor who is not blinded by the prejudices and idiosyncrasies common to almost all the members of the civil service. How thankful the whole nation is to His Excellency Lord Minto for the recent high appointments to natives of India showing that he has not been guided by any considerations of race. But if the Bengali speaking people were to remain undisturbed under any re-distribution scheme, then Lord Curzon’s object of destroying the political ascendency of Bengal would have been frustrated. The civil service acquiesced in it because the creation of a new province always brings into prominence several of its members who would otherwise remain in obscurity. One of the reasons given for partition was that the Lieutenant-Governor could not find time to visit all the districts under his administration. It is well known what the visit of the Lieutenant-Governor means, can anyone honestly say that instead of doing harm, it does any good to the people or bring efficiency to the administration! When the Lieutenant-Governor’s visit is announced, a Reception Committee is formed, subscriptions are practically extorted from the landowners and other wealthy citizens who unfortunately cannot refuse to pay for fear of having their names put down on the disloyal-list. If they have not the money, they must borrow it on mortgaging their property.

Large sums must be raised befitting the occasion for fireworks, bombs, and triumphal arches. The bomb announces the arrival of the Lieutenant-Governor who holds a Darbar, shakes hands with some of the local magnates, smiles on others, visits the court premises, the jail, and the local schools or madrassas and then leaves the place. The Lieutenant-Governor with his suite travels by special trains or in his luxuriously fitted boat. Such visits are pleasure-trips to him at the expense of the country, but what benefit the people derive from them. I for myself cannot comprehend. To me, the whole thing is a farce, waste of public money and time and harassment of local Zamindars, some of whom are already contemplating selling their property and leaving the district amongst other reasons to avoid these so-called voluntary contributions. If such visits are going to be frequent as a result of the partition, then they will develop into veritable visitations. This is one of the innumerable boons which the partition is going to confer on the people.

Gentlemen, now that the government disregarding the sentiment, the prayer and the universal protest of the people have so cruelly dismembered our beloved motherland, what is our duty to her now?

Our duty is never recognized this partition as final and always to consider ourselves united as we were before the memorable 16th October 1905 and we have already shown it by coming to this conference at Barisal from all parts of Bengal as we used to do before the partition. This conference will discuss as heretofore all questions affecting the interests and welfare of United Bengal, and if the Government were to divide Bengal into twenty different parts, the result, I hope, would be just the same. We are determined to remain one indivisible nation and nothing on earth can separate us.

On the 16th October last we took a solemn vow in solemn from never to acknowledge this partition of our province, but ever to remain one and united.

If we are true sons of mother Bengal, if we are not to be traitors, if we are not to sell our birth-right for official favour we shall fearlessly adhere to our vow like men and if our efforts fail, we shall bequeath it as a legacy to our children.

Undone the partition is sure to be. It is only a question of time. Our case is so strong and so unanswerable that nothing is wanted to ensure its complete success, but resolutions, perseverance and disinterested action on the part of all Bengalees, whether Hindus, Mahomedans or Christians.

We must continue our agitation with renewed vigour and redoubled energy always remembering that we have nobody to support us and that we must rely entirely on our own efforts. Some non-official Anglo-Indians here did promise to help us in this matter but for fear of incurring the wrath of the stronger party viz the Government, they deserted the weaker one viz the people.

We undoubtedly did expect a great deal of support from the Liberal Party in England, especially from Mr. Morley- ‘Honest John’ as he is called, but we have been bitterly disappointed. When we could not get any relief from one of the most honest and large-hearted man like Mr. Morley, it is futile to expect anything from any living English statesman.

It is a great mistake on our part to put any reliance on either of the two English parties. As far as India is concerned, it makes very little difference whether the Liberals or Tories are in power because they are equally ignorant about India and equally indifferent as to Indian affairs. India must be kept outside party-politics and being an Asiatic country must be ruled with a rod of iron. This is the cant in vogue in England now-a-days and this is the principle on which both parties act. They like to brag about India as the brightest jewel in the British crown but turn a deaf year to the grievances of the millions in the country the possession of which has given the title of emperor to the king of the British Isles. All honour to those few kind-hearted men in the Liberal Party who do take a great deal of interest in India and are trying best to help us in every possible way, but unfortunately for us they simply cry in the wilderness. The bulk of the Liberals are just as indifferent as the Tories. The liberalism of the days Cobden and Bright are gone forever, spurious imperialism has taken its place and dominates England now.

The English people are now divided into Liberal Imperialists and Tory Imperialists. The former think now-a-days more of the expansion of the empire, and trade than of those forty principles for which English liberalism was once famous all over the world. The English conscience is more elastic and pliable now than heretofore, but for which no war in South Africa or the inhuman treatment to the Indians there would have been possible.

The Liberal Party like the Conservative Party mainly consists of the middle-class people in England. India is a happy hunting ground for their sons. Young men for all the higher public services in India both military and civil are recruited from this class every year.

It is self-interest which prevents them from making any concessions to India, lest they in any way contribute to the diminution of the bureaucratic power in India, the fall of which means the loss of provision for their sons. Therefore, they will not interfere with the Government of India even when it is necessary to do so for the sake of justice.

Owing to this attitude on the part of the Liberal Party in the past a large portion of our countrymen are reluctant to look to it or to the government of India for sympathy or support and insist upon self-help and self-reliance. I do not think there can be two opinions as to the fact that if we want to rise as a nation we must principally depend upon ourselves and on our own efforts, but at the same time, we ought to be practical politicians and not political dreamers and philosophers. We know that there are some very good, honest and justice-loving Englishmen in the Liberal Party who are always ready and willing to help us in our aspirations. Now to my mind, it will not be inconsistent with our idea of self-help and self-reliance to take advantage of their help or even to petition the government here, when we have a sympathetic Viceroy at its head, if we honestly believe that by doing so we shall further the interest of our country. But I do consider it derogatory to our national pride and honour to petition the government for help on any and every occasion as we have sometimes done in the past. We have learnt in our younger days that Help from without is often enfeebling in its effect, but help from within invariably invigorates. Whatever is done for men or classes to a certain extent takes away the stimulus and necessity of doing for themselves.

We must study self –help and self-sacrifice and devotion to our motherland. When we have accomplished that we shall be in a position to do all. Remember the word ‘‘Bushido’’ which has made Japan what she is now. The defeat of the Japanese at Kagasima which was bombarded and destroyed by the English in 1863 was the cause of the great naval victory which Admiral Togo won for Japan last year in the great battle of the Sea of Japan. The disaster at Kagasima was really a blessing in disguise for the Japanese. It opened their eyes to the fact that they as a nation had great responsibilities and that if they were to exist as a nation they must give up their internecine quarrels as sink all private differences and unite for the sole purpose of improving the condition of their country and successfully resisting any foreign aggression.

Since 1863 they have turned their attention to the scientific and industrial progress of their country. They have sent their young men to Europe and America to learn that those countries could teach them in different branches of science and art. They were determined to raise a strong army and a powerful navy and they have done so and it is well-known now how in their struggle with Russia their military and naval forces acquitted themselves. A Japanese gentleman said to a European gentleman during the Russo-Japanese war that before that gigantic struggle Japan despite her progress in art and civilization was looked upon by Europe and America as a barbarous Asiatic power, but now that she has been able to kill thousands of Europeans in the war, she is unanimously recognized as one of the great civilized powers.

Lord Curzon’s malignant attempt at the destruction of the unity of Bengal in 1905 through a great calamity ought to be looked upon by us as a great calamity ought to be looked upon by us as a great blessing in disguise.

What we could not have accomplished in 50 or 100 years that great disaster- the Partition of Bengal, has done for us in 6 months.

Its first fruits have been the great national movement known as the Swadeshi movement. It is the partition which has brought it about. It is no longer confined to Bengal but has spread far and wide over India. The idea of Swadeshi movement, through a bugbear to our rulers, is nothing but one’s sincere devotion to one’s desire to serve her in every possible way. There are various ways in which independent people can serve their country, as, for instance, Japan has done, but the sphere within which people under foreign domination can move is very limited.

We cannot enter the military service nor have we any voice in the shaping of the military policy of the country. Whether the forces that we have are sufficient for the defence, or are in excess of the needs of the country, we the people of the country cannot decide. We pay taxes but we have no control over the expenditure for the public needs of the country.

In these matters, whether the country is to progress or to retrograde, depends upon the sweet will of our rulers. But as regards the economic condition of the country any rate whether the country is to progress or to retrograde, depends upon ourselves. What articles we should use and what we should discard, it is for us to decide. In this matter, we Indians can serve our country by resuscitating those industries which are already dead, reviving those that are dying, improving those that already dead, reviving those that are dying, improving those that we already have, establishing new ones, using the products of our own country, and eschewing the foreign ones. We have resolved to do so. This resolution has given rise to what is known by the name of the Swadeshi movement. The movement is simplicity itself. Its primary object is to promote the industrial development of the country. Time was when ours was a great cotton manufacturing country, when our muslins were the pride of European princesses when instead of importing, as we do now to our shame, we used to export most extensively our cotton manufactures and supply the needs of the various countries. All this we have lost through our wilful neglect. Our so-called education has made us hanker after everything foreign and discard almost everything made in our own country till we have carried this mania to such an extent that we have driven our manufactures entirely out of the market and facilitated the import of foreign articles which in the case of cotton manufactures have increased by leaps and bounds. In fact, we have ourselves killed our own industries.

Now the people found out their folly and want to repent and by way of doing penance, young and old, rich and poor, prince and peasant have taken vows to buy and use Swadeshi things made in their own country with the sole object of advancing the industrial development of their country. This attitude of our people has naturally had an appreciable effect upon the pockets of the countrymen of our bureaucrats. But why it should be confounded with dissatisfaction is beyond our comprehension. It is a wonder to us that the government, despite its pretensions as to its being in favour of the scientific and industrial advancement of the country, should look upon this Swadeshi movement as seditious. From the measures upon this Swadeshi movement as seditious. From the measures which the government of the new province has adopted for its repression, the natural inference is that our rulers want to protect the interests of their countrymen at the expense of those of ours.

The success of the Swadeshi condition in Bengal has been to a great extent due to the efforts and work of our under-graduates, graduates and other young men, who being animated by the enthusiasm created by this movement, sometimes go about singing patriotic songs such as ‘‘Bande Mataram’’ which has given great offence to our rulers. As far as I know, singing patriotic song has never been considered an offence in any country before, but in our country, the word of our rulers is required to be considered law and must be obeyed.

In order to deprive the Swadeshi movement of the great support given to it by these young men, officers of the government at once issued circulars prohibiting under penalty all students from joining political meetings. I do not know whether Sir Bampfylde Fuller is a university man or not, but I have some experience of university life, and I have never heard that it was a crime for graduates and under-graduates to attend political meetings. But we must not forget that this is a new regime altogether, we may have a new circular before long. These circulars have been declared by one of the greatest English lawyers to be absolutely illegal; but they have not yet been withdrawn and under their authority, young and inexperienced inspectors of schools, forgetting the traditions of their universities have been playing pranks with the students and their teachers. These foolish and arbitrary methods only incited the people to carry on the Swadeshi propaganda with greater zeal and energy. The panic at Manchester and the government’s determination to suppress the movement at any cost being simultaneous naturally led the people to believe that the object of the government in putting it down was simply to further the interests of the English manufactures.

In connection with the Swadeshi movement, Barisal must take the place of honour. She has suffered for her faith in the cause more than any other place. Her sons have been the first in obtaining the crown of martyrdom.

Taking advantage of petty quarrels and absolutely unfounded rumors that European ladies being ill-treated and insulted at Barisal the government sent the Goorkha police to the town, and posted punitive police in two of its villages. We have heard of little boys being persecuted for singing ‘‘Bande Mataram’’ and of respectable citizens being belaboured by the Goorkhas at Barisal and by the Assam police at Serajgonge and these will remain forever a bitter memory. The introduction of the Goorkhas and the reign of terror that prevailed at Barisal will not be a proud record of British rule in India.

The government is sadly mistaken if it thinks it can terrorize the people in this way. The people do not get so easily frightened now-a-days. They have learnt better.

It was here at Barisal that the respected leaders of the people were insulted by the governor of the province. Perhaps, he thought that by thus treating them he would lower them in the estimation of the people. He was wrong in so thinking. These men on board of his own steamer were his guests and it is regrettable that he should have forgotten the ordinary courtesies as between one man and another under those circumstances. These men, however, have risen in public esteem and I on your behalf tender them our best homage. Other places like Rangpur and Mymensingh have suffered and are still suffering and will suffer for their patriotism and devotion to the Swadeshi movement.

But repression can never extinguish a true cause though it may temporarily retard its progress. The Swadeshi movement is a true and holy cause. Though its primary object is to foster the industrial and scientific advancement of the country it has awakened in India a new sense of national consciousness and unity. It has united the rich and poor, the educated and the uneducated. It has kindled the spirit of self-reliance and self-sacrifice which the people have taken vows to uphold. If our repentance is genuine, if we are determined to do penance for the sins we have committed in the past by having too long neglected our motherland, we can never forsake, and can never be untrue to this great national movement.

I cannot understand some people who advocate the cause of the Swadeshi movement by condemning ‘‘Boycotting.’’ This is an economic question. One must naturally follow the other. The word ‘‘Boycott’’ may be offensive to some years, but the success of the Swadeshi movement means the abstention from or ‘‘Boycotting’’ of foreign goods. If we give preference to articles made in our country and reject those made in foreign countries, this means ‘‘Boycotting’’ the foreign articles. Why should it give offence to the Government or anybody? Surely, in our own houses at least we are our own masters and can choose what articles to buy and what to reject.

We are not an independent nation; we have no legislature of our own. We cannot buy legislation to keep foreign articles out of the market by building up tariff walls as Europe and America are doing. England has done the same. When cotton was first manufactured in England, a succession of statutes was passed, prohibiting the wear of imported cotton in order to foster the nascent industry. The only by which we can protect our own industries is by eschewing or boycotting foreign goods.

Now about the boycotting of British goods, in particular, Gentlemen I am entirely in favour of it. The whole nation has in no uncertain voice petitioned the government to annul the partition. We have implored the interposition of the British people to redress our grievances, but all in vain, our petitions have been alighted and the British people have returned a deaf ear to our grievances.

Not very long ago Macedonia and the tiny island of Crete made the whole of Europe listen to their grievances and yet we eighty millions of people cannot make our grievances heard by one power.

The only thing that lies in our power is to keep up a vigorous ‘‘Boycott’’ of British goods. If we can only continue it for a few years, our grievances will then force themselves upon the unwilling ears of the British people. It will at the same time give such an impetus to the industries which are springing up everywhere (for we have done wonders in Bengal in the course of ten months as far as the weaving industry is concerned) that in the words of a writer in the ‘‘New Age’’ the greatest curse under which India groans-the drainage of millions of pounds annually from our shores- will perceptively diminish.

The permanence of the success of this national movement depends upon the education of the masses. This is the most important thing in the constitution of a nation, without which no nation can prosper. The causes of our lagging behind other nations in the race of progress are our want of education. It is a reflection on the British rule in India that what it could not accomplish in the field of education in 150 years the Japanese have done for Japan within less than 40 years.

Whatever confidence there was in the government with regard to its education policy has disappeared since the passing of the Universities Act and the issuing of the Pedler Circular. The question of education, therefore, must be taken up by the people without further delay.

A right beginning has been made by the inauguration of the National Council of Education. The thanks of the nation are due to two very young donors, viz Babu Brojo Kishore Ray Chaudhri of Gouripur and Babu Subodh Chandra Mullick of Calcutta for their munificent gifts. The National Council will have two departments-one literary and the other scientific and technical. The object is to import education both literary and technical on National Lines as cheaply as possible. Amongst other things the council, if well supported, and I have not the slightest doubt that it will be well supported by the nation,- will establish industrial and technical schools all over the country to teach our youths how to make with small capital the necessaries of life which we now import from foreign countries. We must make the National Council of Education an institution worthy of the institution and making it a success. It is a gigantic undertaking. Gentlemen, you must remember that the six lakhs of rupees which we have got from the two generous donors, very handsome gifts though they are like drops in the ocean. In order to have a well-equipped university or institution, we require something like a crore of rupees and what is a crore of rupees to a nation of 80 million people. When England alone cannot have 7 or 8 universities which are all supported by private donations, it will be a disgrace to us if we cannot support one university which will educate us in all the different branches of art and science that we require for our purposes here.

Of course, it is not possible to secure such a large sum of money at once; but if we one and all contribute our mites to its funds in the course of a very few years, it will amount to a very respectable sum.

Let us, therefore, support the National Council of Education with all our heart so that we may in a short time raise it to the status of a full-fledged university which by imparting education on national lines will make men of us. By national lines we mean, among other things, inspiring students with a genuine love for and a real desire to serve their country. Without such education, our Swadeshi movement cannot have a permanent hold on the heart of the people.

Now some people take a lot of coaxing before they are persuaded to believe in the truth of the Swadeshi cause; but when we masses will be educated on National lines, when they will understand their own responsibilities and they will feel that as a nation they will have to play an important part on the stage of the world, then the Swadeshi cause will need no preacher, no coaxing, no impetus from without, the impetus will come from within. We must by education opens the eyes of our people to see and feel our degradation and humiliation and teach them to remember that though we are not treated by our rulers better than the savage races as far as the government of the country is concerned, we have not always been what we are now. We have had a civilization of our own. Our ancestors were civilized at the time when those of our rulers had not passed the stage of the state of nature. We have a glorious past and we must make our future as glorious. Henceforth to educate the masses on national lines must be the sacred duty of every educated citizen.

It may be that the government may not recognize the degrees and certificates of proficiency conferred on the successful candidates by the National Council of Education.

If such contingency does arise, the nation must be prepared to hold out prospects for them.

The capitalists must upon their purese and engage the services of those trained in the technical department, and the zamindars and the mercantile classes employ most extensively those educated in the general department.

The association for the advancement of scientific and industrial education ought to be congratulated on being able to send this year 44 young men to Europe, America, and Japan. We hope more will be sent every year. But what will those trained by the National Council of Education or these young men on their return do if the nation will not make use of their services?

Gentlemen, there is a splendid future before us if the nation will only rise to the occasion and do its duty. Gentlemen, we must pay special attention to another great problem that is before us. It is how to get rid of our inordinate craving for government services. This desire has been the cause of our downfall and degradation, especially of that of my co-religionists. The only ambition of our life is to become government servants, no matter what it brings to us.

A Bengali clerk, whether Hindu, Mahomedan or Christian, drawing Rs. 20 a month and working 10 or 12 hours a day is quite proud of his position and boast of being a government servant.

We have carried it to such excess as to bring on ourselves the ridicule of the people of other parts of India who have prospered in trade. They wonder we are Bengalees, instead of hankering after government service, do not make use of our brains in other spheres of life. No wonder we are called a nation of clerks. As now constituted, what charm is there in government service, which we cannot enter except through favoritism and influence? The abolition of the system of open competitive tests has put an end to that effective stimulus which had been given to the effort of many young people towards self-improvement by the opening of a career as a reward and an encouragement to intellectual merit alone. Now only those, be they competent or incompetent, who can creep into the good graces of some high official, will be taken into the service.

All the higher appointments are a special preserve for the ruling race and cannot be encroached upon by despised Indians without the prestige of the service being lost.

The Indians, however, well qualified are considered fit only to hold subordinate posts and unfit to discharge the duties of higher posts. But experience shows that it is the ill-paid subordinate officers who really do work of the departments.

The intelligent deserving men of the country cannot get posts for which they can draw more than Rs 700 or Rs 800 after 25 or 30 years of service. Examination for all the higher appointments is held in England where very few of our young men can afford to go to compete for them. We have repeatedly prayed the government to hold examinations simultaneously in England and India but no purpose. If our prayer were granted many of our young men would be eligible for the higher appointments- a prospect which the ruling race could only look upon with dismay. However, competent our young men may be, their claims must give way to those of the governing race.

Take for instance the Indian Educational Service. Some of the Indian professors who are in many respects superior to many European Professors, are only in the provincial service drawing much less pay than the European professors of the Indian Educational Service. Even Prof. J. C. Bose with a world-wide reputation was still very recently in the provincial service.

This kind of injustice is shown in every department of the government. We are simply to be the hewers of wood and drawers of water for our rulers.

In the public service of our own country, we have to play second fiddle. It is better to deal with Swadeshi goods as a small shop-keeper than to seek employment under the government under such humiliating conditions. We must make up our minds once for all not be any longer called a nation of clerks. No nation has ever risen by service nor will ever rise.

Service deadens the power of initiative and makes slaves of men. To trade then must we turn attention if we want to free ourselves from the shackles of slavery. Even in trade, we are unfortunately hampered by the action of some misguided government underlings.

Shop-keepers selling Swadeshi goods are often harassed by them. The government in spite of its protestations and pretentions as to its being in favour of the Swadeshi movement has taken up a hostile attitude towards the people of the country which has caused dissatisfaction and unrest all over the province. The authorities instead of taking our recognized leaders in their confidence have in their utter helplessness during the last eight or nine months introduced Russian methods of government by suppressing public meetings, prohibiting religious processions, interfering with the liberty of the press and otherwise interfering with the rights and privileges of the people.

This is not the way to conciliate a people who have quite recently suffered an unprecedented calamity and are still in mourning. No government can be well governed. This attitude will only further widen the breach between the rulers and the ruled.

In conclusion, I wish to say a few words to my Mahomedan countrymen who by holding themselves aloof from the politics of the country sitting on the hedge, in fact, have created a situation from which they find it difficult to extricate themselves.

They have now become indifferent to everything that vitally concerns them. They are a mass of inaction, they are politically dead. How has it been brought about? To my mind, it has been brought about by their so-called leaders. These leaders in order to carry favour with the government and thereby serve their own interests have entirely disregarded those of the community and told the latter that by the dispensation of province they have been placed under a benign and perfect government and that it would be impolitic on their part to concern themselves with the politics of the country. Whatever the government condescends to give them they ought to receive with gratitude. A subject race has no rights and privileges. Whatever they get from the government they get as a favour. Their only duty is to pay taxes and all other matters concerning their interests and welfare should be left to the superior judgement of the government. If they were to interfere with the infallible judgement of the government they would suffer in the pocket by not getting into government service. This doctrine, the wisdom of which they have never challenged but which has led blindly followed by them has lowered them where they are now. I do not know whether we Mahomedans have reached the lowest of degradation or not but as far as I can see the depth is low enough. It is difficult to know if there is any sphere of life in which we do not meet with disgrace and humiliation.

If we had exercised our own judgement and had not relied upon that of our leaders, we should have found out long ago the hollowness of this teaching. We have often been told that the Hindus are disloyal subjects because they dare question the infallibility of the government. We, Mahomedans should have nothing to do with them. Would to God that we could only see what we have gained by our policy and what the Hindus have attained by theirs. Whatever the government or our leaders may say we cannot dissociate ourselves from the Hindus. For good or for evil we are indissolubly bound together; we are the sons of the same motherland. Our political interests are identical with those of the Hindus. In religious matters, our interest may be the same as those of the Chinese or Zanzibar Mahomedans but in purely political matters we are in the same boat with our Hindu and Christian countrymen. Yet the perversity of our leaders has made us so blind as not to appreciate this plain truth.

We refrained from co-operating with the Hindus in the Congress movement twenty years ago, having been tempted by offers of government appointments. But have we realized what has happened to us since then! Whereas we have gone down lower, the Hindus have made steady progress. The English people, whatever they may be, are not wanting in appreciation. They respect Hindus for their fearless criticism and despising us at heart for our sycophancy and political cowardice, make use of us for political purposes. We were always deluded with the idea that if we kept ourselves aloof from all political movements, we should be in the good graces of the government and monopolies government posts. But have we done so? In the High Court of Calcutta, there are three Hindu judges but not a single Mahomedan judge. Was there no Mahomedan lawyer in Calcutta competent enough to occupy a seat on the High Court bench! Supposing there was not the government if it wanted to encourage the Mahomedans could have imported on from the Lahore or Allahabad Bar. But has it done so!

In other departments, too Mahomedan claims are overlooked simply because the so-called leaders will not exert themselves for fear of offending the authorities and because there is no unity among the Mahomedans and there is no such thing Mahomedans’ public opinion. This ought to convince us that if we want to be respected by others if we wish to have our voice heard and influence felt, we must give up the doctrine that has been preached to us in season and out of season. We must think for ourselves, we must exercise our own judgement in matters that affect the welfare of the whole community. Take for instance the partition question and Swadeshi movement. Some of the Mahomedans have been told that the partition is for the benefit of the Mahomedans because a lot of Mahomedans will get appointments. The cause of the downfall of the Mahomedans has been due to always looking after their individual interests at the expense of the interests of the whole community. Some of them will get government posts so they must support partition no matter what happens to the interests of the dumb millions of their community. If they reflected for a moment on the reason why the province has been partitioned, if they weighed the advantages and disadvantages that will accrue to the people on account of the partition, they would have co-operated with the Hindus and other Mahomedans in opposing the partition. It is one man amongst us who has been proclaiming from the housetop that the Partition is a boon to the Mahomedans. Of course, it has been a boon to him, whether it will be a boon to the Mahomedan community time will show. For the support given to the partition by his followers, Sir Bympfylde has given them some sub inspectorships and promised to provide the Mahomedans with other appointments. In my opinion, the favour thus shown us to the Mahomedans will do them more harm than good in the long run. The showing of favour in this way is nothing more than mere make-believe on the part of the government. It is to keep the Mahomedans separate from the Hindus, but it is a death blow to the idea of self-help and self-reliance without which the Mahomedans cannot ameliorate their condition. The Mahomedans always thought that they were the favourites of the government and whether they paid much attention to education or not they would be provided for. How sadly mistaken they have been, they know now to their cost. About the Swadeshi movement to some Mahomedans have been told by the so-called leaders that it is a Hindu movement and therefore disloyal. Again I say that without taking the statement of their leaders as gospel truth if they were to think for themselves they would see that their salvation more than that of the Hindus lies in the movement. Can any Mahomedans in his senses deny that the impetus given by this Swadeshi movement to the weaving industry of the country, is not benefitting the Mahomedans weavers, all over the country? Can anybody deny that many poor Mahomedan families in Calcutta who used to starve before are comfortably maintaining themselves because of the “Biri” industry? Hindus being admittedly more educated than the Mahomedans can obtain posts more easily than the Mahomedans who have to depend upon the trade of manual labour. 

Therefore the success of the Swadeshi movement all over India will be more beneficial to the Mahomedans than to the Hindus. Yet some Mahomedans will not co-operate with the Hindus to make it a success; Why because they are told by their leaders not to do so.

I, therefore, appeal to my Mahomedan countrymen to give up their indifference to politics and join the Hindus and co-operate with them in all matters concerning the welfare of the common motherland. Unless you are ready to migrate in a body to Arabia, Persia or Turkey, your political interests will ever be the same as those of the people of other denominations in Bengal. The principle “Divide and Rule” is well known to all of us. It is because we are divided that we have made it possible for our rulers to rule over us in the way we are ruled. United we stand, divided we fall is an adage which is most applicable to our case. Bengal with a united population through the government has done much to disunite them, will withstand any bureaucratic attempts to subjugate body and mind and will successfully resist any menaces or repressions. There is no denying that a cloud rests all over Bengal. It is a dark and heavy cloud and its darkness extends over the feeling of men in all parts of the country. But if we can only be united that cloud will be dispelled. The dangers that surround us will vanish and we may yet have the happiness of leaving to our children the heritage of honourable citizenship in a united prosperous Bengal. [11]

( Source: The Bengalee Sunday, 15 April, 1906)


His Noteworthy Speech (2)

24th April, 1916 at the 2nd Annual Conference of Bengal Presidency Muslim League at Burdawan in India 

Gentlemen, I thank you most sincerely for the great and unique honour you have conferred upon me by inviting me to preside over the deliberations of the present session of the Bengal Presidency Moslem League. I have used the word “Unique” advisedly because it is indeed a unique honour for me. There was a time when I was looked upon by a large number of my co-religionists as a dangerous person. My political views were considered by some leaders at any rate too advanced for the Moslem community and therefore, they thought any association with me was enough to jeopardize their or relative’s prospects or chances of success in life. My only fault as far I could see that I was a Congresswallah. I did not see how that could be a disqualification. Some up-country papers went so far as to call me a traitor to the community. In spite of abuses and calumny I stuck to my views and I say now as I have always said before that our salvation lies in our united efforts to promote the welfare of our common motherland. In criticizing some of our leaders, I admit, I have sometimes used warm expressions, but I trusted that my people would attribute them to the strength of my convictions and to my solicitude for general welfare. I allude to this unpleasant have topic only to show what progress my co-religionists have made in politics now, in thought in general. Had it not been for this I would not have occupied today this proud position of the President of this August assembly. It is, therefore, not only a great honour to me but you are also to be congratulated for discarding the antiquated ideas about politics and adopting such liberal and lofty views as are consistent with the dignity and self-respect of the great community to which you and I have the honour to belong. It delights one’s heart to see what keen interest the Mahomedans all over the country have now been taking in politics.

I am of opinion that in the past our leaders made the greatest mistake in keeping themselves aloof from all political movements. Had it not been for this egregious political blunder, the Mahomedans of today would have been far more advanced in their ideas than the members of their communities. Why it was only in 1906 that the “All-India Moslem League” was founded at Dacca and those who have eyes can see what gigantic strides they have made in political education. We used to be advised that we should first educate ourselves and then think of politics. There is a Bengali proverb, “It is only the crying child that gets the milk” In the history of the world has anybody politic ever got any right or concession without ever asking for it? No. Before you ask for any such right or concession with any hope or prospect of success, you must organize ourselves and agitate for it. Unfortunately, Mahomedans never made any serious attempt in this direction till the All-India Muslim League, which is now a power in the land came into existence and it is not an exaggeration to say that as far as the Mahomedans are concerned the League has done proportionately more for them in the course of a few years than the Congress has done for the different communities in 30 years. It can now be safely said that there is such a thing as a Moslem public opinion in the country which no other community nor government can ignore. Now you can see what “Dabbling” in politics which was for merely so unwisely condemned by our leaders’ means. Politics as I have often said is the very soul of political entity. In this connection I began to impress upon you, gentlemen that if you really want to make the Bengal Presidency Moslem League a powerful living body then you must give up your lethargy and unpardonable indifference. It will be a standing disgrace to the Mahomedans of Bengal, if we carry on the work of the League in the way we have been doing. We are all to blame. It is not the fault of the secretary or the council alone. I sincerely hope and trust that after this session we shall turn over a new leaf.

 Rural Sanitation

Gentlemen, most of you came from the Mofussil and you know that the sanitary condition of the province is anything but satisfactory. People are dying by thousands of Malaria and other preventable diseases. For want of tanks and wells people have to drink muddy water from November to the end of July. In many parts of the country there are no decent roads, bridges or canals for the convenience of the people. The League should take up these matters and make representations to the government for the redress of the grievances of the people. In this connection, I should venture to make a suggestion to the effect that the council of the League should appoint a sub-committee to meet from time to time and the Committee of the Bengal Provincial Conference which is also appointed for similar purposes to see whether they cannot make united efforts to remedy the evils from which the people of Bengal undoubtedly suffer. We must have healthy homes before we can think of education and High politics.

Mahomedans of Bengal are blamed for hankering after government services. It is, I am afraid, due to a large extent poverty. In these days of competition and having regard to the claim of other communities it is not always very easy to secure employment under the government. I should therefore, advice that young men discarding false ideas of dignity should go on for agriculture and start small business in partnerships or as companies with small capital.

Mahomedans and War

I dare say you would like me to say a few words on the titanic struggle which has been shaking the world to its very foundation. It is very delicate subject and more especially so as far as the Indian Mahomedans are concerned. I would have fain remained silent, but the conduct and attitude of some of our leaders have compelled me to speak. It is only natural that persons belonging to the same faith should sympathize with one another. Moslems cannot be an exception to this rule. That Indian Moslems have always shown such sympathy for the Turks and Persian in their troubles is an admitted fact. Now what was the position of Indian Moslems when war was declared between England and turkey? On the one hand they were bound politically to be loyal to their sovereign, on the other was it possible for them not to feel sympathy for the sultan of Turkey who is generally looked upon as the khalifa. They have, however, regretted all along that the two governments who have helped each other in the past, could not settle their differences and save the Indian Musalmans from a most embarrassing position. When some of the Moslem leaders in the exuberance of their zeal to show their loyalty announced on their platforms and in the press that they did not sympathize with the Turks and abused them in various ways they did not know what disservice they were doing to the government; loyalty is not synonymous with hypocrisy. As it is untrue to say that Mahomedans are not loyal so it will be equally untrue to say that they do not sympathize with the Turks. Indian Moslems cannot but be loyal. Apart from any other consideration, it is to them a question of self-interest. It is the government which gives them protection and Mahomedans have never been bound to be ungrateful. In this crisis it is our duty to advise the government not to do anything which may exasperate the Mahomedans and at the same time use our influence with the people to prevent them from giving violent expression to their feelings and see that there is no breach of the peace.

Indian Volunteers

Speaking of this war, we cannot but feel hurt at the treatment which we have received at the hands of our ruler. We have offered to enlist ourselves along with the Anglo-Indians as volunteers, but the latter have been accepted and we have been rejected. The Anglo-Indian, Armenian, Jewish and even Negro boys are enlisted as boy-scouts, but our government cannot think of entertaining the idea of similarity enlisting our boys as scouts. The French government have invited their subjects in India to join the Army of equal terms with the Frenchman. Our government in spite of our offers of service are still hesitating to take our young men as volunteers. What can be the feelings of our young men under the circumstances? The attitude of the government in this respect is anything but statesman-like. Instead of training the people in the use of arms in case of invasion of the country, they are even forbidden to possess arms to save their families and property from the depredations of armed dacoits and wild animals. Thanks to the rigour of the Arms Act, dacoities with bloodshed are becoming so common that the people are in despair. We must, therefore, protest against this indifference of the government to the prayer of the people for the repeal or a liberal modification of the Arms Act. It is very unpleasant to always criticize the government. But government is not infallible and sometimes it becomes a duty to point out the evil effects of some of their acts. Whether there should be repressive legislation or not depends altogether upon circumstances. No citizen can object to such legislation when the state finds it absolutely necessary for its protection. But the power given to the executive by such legislation should be exercised with great caution and discretion, if possible in consultation with the leaders of the different communities. It will serve no useful purpose now to discuss whether the Press Act and the Defence of India Act should have passed or not, but the enforcement of some of the provisions of these acts have created a situation which no wise government should ignore.

Internments

Indiscriminate house searches, internments and suppression of newspapers are bound to irritate the people. Highly respected leaders like Mohammad Ali, Showkat Ali and Moulana Azad have been interned or punished. It may be that the government had very good reason for doing what they did, but from our experience in the past we have also reasons to believe that they act on police reports which are not always reliable. Before taking such drastic measures against men who are loved and held in high esteem, the government should have those reports further enquired into by men in whose integrity they have absolute confidence.

An Irony of Fate

Since the beginning of the war, a very large number of Mahomedan newspapers have had to cause publication because of their inability to furnish security under the provisions of the Press Act. What an irony of fate! It was the Mahomedan papers with a few honourable exceptions which supported the Press Act and now it is they who have suffered most. It never does to support any retrograde policy even to spite one’s opponent because sooner or later it is bound to act as a “Boomerang.” Now if I may be permitted to say so, it never does any good to the government to suppress any newspaper, on the contrary it not only does harm to the government but gives an importance to a paper which otherwise it might never have had. The uneducated people never care to think whether or not the government had any justification for doing so, but only think of a poor man being deprived of his means of livelihood. Acts like these cannot but produce an unhealthy political atmosphere which it should be the duty of every government to control.

Self-Government

Now something should be said on the constitutional angle of vision with regard to the future government of India. Both on the platform and in the press our leaders have been giving expression to their views on the present system of government and the form in which they want it in future. Both the Moslem League and the National Congress are unanimously of opinion that India must have self-government. Even the reactionary “London Times” and Anglo-Indian papers have agreed that Indian should have self-government. Yes, all that sounds very grand indeed; But when are we to get it? They reply; “When you are fit.” In what form are we to be blessed with it? The reply is; “When you are fit, we shall tell you in what form. It is too premature to think of it now.” With regard to these two questions even our leaders have different views. With reference to time, some say “Not yet.” As to the form they say-we must go step by step, which to my mind means nothing. It is said by our opponents that we have no reason to complain. We have got our representative assemblies in the provinces where there is a non-official majority. What this so-called non-official majority means is well-known to all educated Indians. Even supposing for argument’s sake that there was a substantial non-official majority in the provincial council’s and the governments were repeatedly defeated what would be the position? They are no bound to take any notice of the resolutions that may be passed in the teeth of their opposition. The government of the country would on just in the same way as before. Now what are the powers of the members of the so called representative assemblies? They are given the power of interpellations and of bringing in resolutions which has been welcomed by some of our leaders as a great boon but it is perhaps not known to many that in these matters the members are entirely at the mercy of the president of council who at his discretion may accept or refuse them.

Time allotted to the members for speaking is so regulated that many members prefer to remain silent. Sittings of the council are few and far between. The work that is done by these councils might as well as be left undone. Now as to the executive councils here also we are told that we have nothing to complain of for have we not been complimented by the appointment of an Indian member in each council.

Gentlemen, I must confess that in my opinion this experiment has been a gigantic failure. It has considerably increased the cost of the government without any appreciable advantage to the people.

No Half-Measures

Gentlemen, time has come to put end to this kind of lingering. I have never believed in half measures. We, the people of India must make up our minds to ask our rulers either to do away with these councils or to give us real self-government by which I mean responsible government such as exists in Canada, Australia and South Africa. Under this system the legislative councils are entirely elective to which the members of the executive council or cabinet are responsible.

If the people of India have any idea of self-respect and if they really want the moral and material improvement of the country, they must insist upon obtaining this of government and no other. Unless you attain this, there will be no speedy remedy for this evils that exist in the country and some of which I have enumerated before. The question of education, sanitation, encouragement of indigenous industries etc. will be solved in no time. There will be no such things as political unrest in the country. While discussing this question I do not lose sight of the Mahomedans and other minorities. The constitution framed as to give them not only adequate and complete representation but also to make such provisions as will always protect them from the vagaries of the majorities. A great deal of nonsense has been talked about our unfitness. When shall we be fit? Do our opponents believe that when the entire population of 300 millions become educated then we shall be fit for self-government? How many Englishmen were educated when parliament sat in the reigns of the Tudors and Stuarts or even the early Georges? Even at the present day is the number of administrators and real workers in democratic England so very large.

What was the state of education in England before the Education Act of 1870 was passed and before the Reform Bill was passed what was the nature of representation to parliament? The fact of the matter is that the members of the civil service and the Anglo-Indian journalists forget the history of their country as soon as they crossed the English Channel. It is the free English people who have taught us the golden maxim “Freedom alone teaches the people to give us a chance to be free” I therefore, appeal to the great free English people to give us a chance to be free from thralldom of the civil service and then they will see how our people will talk freedom breathe freedom do nothing- that is inconsistent with the dignity of a free people. In the words of one of the greatest English friends of India, Mrs. Besant, I implore you. O mighty English people to live up to your own old traditions to be faithful to the memory of your past, Liberty is your birth-right; Oh, share your birth right with your Indian friends then India will become the buttress of your empire. Her three millions will be at your back whenever you are in difficulty with other countries. It would be a glorious day for England when the status of India is raised from a dependency to that of a self-governing dominion containing autonomous states with the title of the United States of India under the aegis of the British crown.[19]

(Source: The Bengalee. Calcutta, Tuesday 25 April 1916)

Remarks

Difference between Barrister and Advocate

A Barrister is a person who has been called to the Bar in England and Wales, and has the rights of audience before any Court in England and Wales. Barristers, until recently, were specialized in arguing matters. Barristers were not allowed to directly interact with members of the general public for cases, and could only be instructed by a solicitor with regard to a case. The only interaction that a Barrister would have with his ‘client’ would be in a conference, in the presence of his instructing solicitor. The Barrister would focus on points of law and argument, while the Solicitor would deal with the client and act on his behalf with regard to a case. The Barrister was an independent lawyer, who argued cases for a fee. The Barrister would send his bill to the Solicitor, who would then pay him with the client's funds. In the event of misconduct by a Solicitor, the Barrister could advise the client of a possible claim against the Solicitor. In recent years, however, the exclusive hearing rights of Barristers have been diluted with the creation of ‘Solicitor-Advocates’, in essence Solicitors who are also allowed to argue cases. In response to this, Barristers have been given ‘Direct Access rights’, which enables them to be directly briefed by the general public rather than through Solicitors. [20]

Advocate refers to a legal practitioner in various countries. In Scotland, Advocates perform a role similar to that of Barristers in England, while in countries like South Africa, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, which have a unified legal profession unlike the split legal profession described in the above paragraph, Advocate is a licensed lawyer who is entitled to act on behalf of clients and argue cases in Court. [20]

References

  1. Bakul, T. (2003). The Life and Work of Barrister Abdul Rasul. 1st ed. Dhaka: Utshow Prokashan.

  2. The Muslim Chronicle Calcutta (1898). 

  3. STEVENS AND SONS LIMITED, 110 & 120 CHANCERY LANE, Law Publishers, Middlesex (1899). The Law List (England and Wales).

  4. Middle Temple (London, E. (n.d.). Record of The Honourable Society of the Middle Temple (1898-1921). [London]: [Society].

  5. Thacker's Indian Directory. (1898).

  6. Who's who in India. (1911). Lucknow: Newul Kishore Press.

  7. Jain, N. (1979). Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar.

  8. The Bengalee Calcutta (1905).

  9. Sarkar, S. (1973). The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, 1903-1908. Ranikhet: Permanent Black.

  10. The Bengal Legislative Council (1916). Member of The Bengal Legislative Council. [online] Available at: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.47731/page/n655.

  11. The Bengalee Calcutta (1906).

  12. হোসেন, স. and ইসলাম, ন. (1997). বাংলা একাডেমী চরিতাভিধান. 2nd ed. ঢাকা: বাংলা একাডেমী.

  13. Bhuiyan, G. (2015). Rasul, Barrister Abdur - Banglapedia. [online] En.banglapedia.org. Available at: http://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=Rasul,_Barrister_Abdur [Accessed 16 Mar. 2019].

  14. Banerjee, D. (1990). Member of The Bengal Legislative Council (Election Recorder). Calcutta.

  15. মুসা, ম. (1998). ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়ার ইতিবৃত্ত. 1st ed. ঢাকা.

  16. চৌধুরী, ত. (1986). কুমিল্লা ভিক্টোরিয়া কলেজে এ যুগের কিংবদন্তি. কুমিল্লা.

  17. আব্দুল্লাহ, ম. (1991). বাংলাদেশের দশ দিশারী. 1st ed. ঢাকা.

  18. Daily Inqilab (1999).

  19. The Bengalee Calcutta (1916).

  20. Chakraborty, S. (2017). What is the difference between a barrister and an advocate?. [online] https://www.quora.com/. Available at: https://www.quora.com/What-is-the-difference-between-a-barrister-and-an-advocate [Accessed 24 Sep. 2017].


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